期刊简介
《世界政治》（World Politics）是一份学术季刊，创刊于1948年。本期刊专注于刊登国际关系、比较政治、政治理论、外交政策和现代化领域的分析性、理论性文章、评论文章和研究笔记。它并不刊登严格意义上的历史资料、时事文章、政策文章或新闻性叙事。政治学家和国际关系专业的学生通过《世界政治》了解该领域最新的理论发展。五年影响因子为：5.1。
目录
1
教育与感知歧视的悖论
Education and the Paradox of Perceived Discrimination
2
投票率、家庭与性别规范：瑞典女性的政治融入，1921–1960
Turnout, Family, and Gender Norms: The Political Incorporation of Women in Sweden, 1921–1960
3
外军培训、课程内容与政治军事化：来自美洲学校的证据
Foreign Training, Course Content, and Political Militarization: Evidence from the US School of the Americas
4
来自上层的警告：威权主义反抗议宣传如何运作
A Warning from Above: How Authoritarian Anti-Protest Propaganda Works
5
肥水不流外人田：政客大使与家乡州贸易
Bringing Home The Bacon: Politician Ambassadors and Home State Trade
内容摘要
教育与感知歧视的悖论
题目：Education and the Paradox of Perceived Discrimination
作者：Margarita Gelepithis，剑桥大学公共政策副教授；Marco Giani，伦敦国王学院政治经济学系副教授（高级讲师）。
摘要：作者发现了感知歧视（perceived discrimination）的一个悖论：当主导群体的态度更具歧视性时，弱势群体对歧视的感知反而是较低的。本文基于教育对主导群体和弱势群体的非对称影响，对这一现象提出了解释。通过使用欧洲的个体层面和学校层面数据，作者认为，教育一方面通过认知能力的增强、自由主义教学以及群体间接触的互动，降低了歧视性态度，另一方面却提高了对歧视的感知。在国家层面，随着教育水平的提高，歧视态度逐渐减少，但弱势群体对歧视的感知却有所增加。研究结果表明，教育在提升受害群体对歧视的认知方面，其作用大于在减少施害者偏见方面的作用，这一过程既挑战了既有的社会等级结构，同时也助长了群体间的紧张关系。
The authors identify a paradox of perceived discrimination whereby perceptions of discrimination among disadvantaged groups are lower when dominant group attitudes are more discriminatory. This article forwards an explanation for this phenomenon based on the asymmetric effects of education on dominant and disadvantaged groups. Using individual- and school-level European data, the authors argue that education decreases discriminatory attitudes while increasing perceived discrimination through the interplay of cognitive sophistication, liberal instruction, and intergroup contact. At the country level, as education levels have increased over time, discriminatory attitudes have become less prevalent but perceptions of discrimination among disadvantaged groups have increased. The findings suggest that education increases awareness of discrimination among victims more than it decreases prejudice among perpetrators, challenging existing social hierarchies while simultaneously contributing to intergroup tensions.
投票率、家庭与性别规范：瑞典女性的政治融入，1921–1960
题目：Turnout, Family, and Gender Norms: The Political Incorporation of Women in Sweden, 1921–1960
作者：Carles Boix，普林斯顿大学罗伯特·加勒特政治与公共事务教授；Zsuzsanna Blanka Magyar，巴塞罗那国际问题研究所（Institut Barcelona d’Estudis Internacionals，IBEI）的博士后研究员；Jordi Muñoz，巴塞罗那大学政治学副教授。
摘要：本文研究了女性通过投票动员逐步赶上男性高投票率的历史过程。作者利用了一套独特的瑞典官方选举数据，该数据收集自1921年至1960年，记录了所有合格选民在性别、职业群体和婚姻状况方面的投票参与情况。尽管根据投票率的标准模型，女性的个人资源确实有一定影响，但作者指出，性别规范和制度性质的变化在动员女性参与中起到了关键作用。在传统性别规范下，女性的投票参与与婚姻状况密切相关：已婚女性或许是受到丈夫的影响，其投票率接近男性水平，而未婚女性的参与率则明显较低。随着性别规范的演变，越来越强调女性的个人和职业自主，已婚与未婚女性之间的投票率差距逐渐缩小。这个过程在不同社会阶层中并不同步地展开，反映出现代性别规范和实践的传播路径：最早出现在城市上层阶级，最后才扩展到农村地区。
This article investigates the historical process through which women mobilized at the ballot box and caught up with men’s high voting turnout. The authors employ a unique set of official electoral data in Sweden collected between 1921 and 1960, recording all eligible voters’ participation by gender, occupational group, and marital status. Although, in line with standard models of turnout, women’s individual resources mattered, the authors show how the changing nature of gender norms and institutions played a crucial role in mobilizing women. Under traditional gender norms, female participation was strongly related to marital status: married women, arguably following their husbands’ lead, voted at levels similar to men’s, whereas unmarried women participated much less. As gender norms evolved, emphasizing women’s personal and professional autonomy, the gap in turnout between married and unmarried women narrowed. That process happened asynchronically across social strata, paralleling the diffusion of modern gender norms and practices: from urban upper classes first, to rural areas last.
外军培训、课程内容与政治军事化：来自美洲学校的证据
题目：Foreign Training, Course Content, and Political Militarization: Evidence from the US School of the Americas
作者：Adam Scharpf，哥本哈根大学政治学系的助理教授；Jesse Dillon Savage，都柏林圣三一学院政治学系助理教授。
摘要：外国军事培训如何塑造受援国的军民关系？现有研究大多分析的是外军培训的总体指标，却很少关注士兵所接触的具体课程内容。此外，这些研究往往陷入“政变主义”（Coupism）的偏见，忽视了士兵影响政治的更为隐蔽的方式。在这篇文章中，作者对外军培训进行了细化处理，旨在评估不同类型的课程如何影响军队介入政治的程度。他们认为，当士兵接受的是以国内事务为导向的培训时，他们对政治施加影响的程度更高。根据历史经验来看，作者利用了古巴革命之后反叛乱训练广泛传播的契机，分析了来自美洲学校的22000名学员的课程参与记录。研究表明：反叛乱课程提高了军人对政治的影响力，而常规战争训练则有助于稳定文官政府的控制。这些发现对于理解军队为何以及何时控制政治机构并主导政策制定具有重要意义。
How does foreign military training shape civil-military relations in recipient states? Existing works have mostly analyzed aggregate indicators of foreign training but paid little attention to the content to which soldiers are exposed. Also, studies have often fallen prey to coupism, thereby ignoring the more subtle ways by which soldiers can influence politics. In this article, the authors disaggregate foreign military training to assess how different course types influence military involvement in politics. They argue that soldiers exert higher levels of political influence when they receive domestically oriented training. Empirically, the authors leverage the wide-ranging dissemination of counterinsurgency training after the Cuban Revolution. They analyze original data on 22,000 course attendances at the School of the Americas to show that counterinsurgency courses increased soldiers’ influence over politics, whereas training in conventional warfare stabilized civilian control. Their findings have implications for understanding why and when soldiers capture political institutions and dictate policies.
来自上层的警告：威权主义反抗议宣传如何运作
题目：A Warning from Above: How Authoritarian Anti-Protest Propaganda Works
作者：Minh D. Trinh，普渡大学政治学助理教授；Mai T. Truong，马凯特大学政治学助理教授。
摘要：当抗议活动发生时，威权政体常常以反抗议宣传进行回应，这类宣传充满了对抗议者的负面叙述。尽管已有大量文献指出反抗议宣传可以有效改变公众对抗议的看法，但鲜有研究深入探讨这种宣传如何削弱公众对抗议的支持。在本文中，作者阐释了反抗议宣传在削弱公众支持抗议中的作用。他们通过一项包含中介变量分析的创新性实验进行研究，向950名越南受访者发放了问卷。实验结果表明，反抗议宣传之所以能减少公众对抗议的支持，更多是因为它影响了人们对政府意图和能力的看法，而不是因为它改变了人们对抗议者合法性的认知。这一发现表明，即使反抗议宣传未能成功地抹黑抗议者，它仍然可以发挥有效的警示作用——传达出政府有意愿也有能力惩罚抗议者及其支持者的强有力信号。
When faced with unfolding protests, autocrats frequently respond with anti-protest propaganda loaded with negative narratives about protesters. Although a substantial body of literature has suggested that anti-protest propaganda can effectively alter the way the public views protests, few researchers have examined the mechanism through which propaganda negatively affects public support for protests. In this article, the authors explain the role that anti-protest propaganda plays in weakening public support for protests. Using an innovative experiment involving mediation analysis, the authors administered a survey to 950 Vietnamese respondents. The experimental results showed that anti-protest propaganda may deter support for protests more by influencing the audience’s beliefs about the intention and capacity of the government than by shaping perceptions of the protesters’ legitimacy. This evidence suggests that even when it fails at discrediting protesters, anti-protest propaganda still serves as an effective warning, credibly signaling the commitment and ability of the government to punish protesters and their supporters.
肥水不流外人田：政客大使与家乡州贸易
题目：Bringing Home The Bacon: Politician Ambassadors and Home State Trade
作者：Minju Kim，雪城大学麦克斯韦尔学院公共管理与国际事务系助理教授；付舒，上海交通大学国际与公共事务学院助理教授。
摘要：美国驻外大使的职责之一是促进经贸发展，理应代表国家整体利益。然而，国际贸易好处在国内的分配是否公允？在美国，有相当一部分大使是前州长或前国会议员，作者称之为“政客大使”（politician ambassadors）。文章认为，这类政客大使在推动其家乡州对派驻国的出口方面，具备特别的知识储备和激励动因，因此会给自己的家乡州带来额外的贸易好处，所谓“肥水不流外人田”。作者搜集了2002年至2020年间164位美国大使的生平信息，以及美国各州对30个主要出口国的出口数据，采取交错差分的研究设计，得出以下实证发现：美国的政客驻外大使会给自己的家乡州带来平均10%的额外贸易好处。这种“家乡州效应”在美国重要的贸易伙伴国尤为明显，且在出口终端产品的行业中更为突出。美国大使的过去职业背景和未来职业前景，可以影响美国外交利益的国内分配。
Ambassadors promote domestic exports to a host country and represent the interests of their home country at large. However, are trade benefits equally distributed domestically? In the United States, a substantial number of ambassadors are former governors or legislators—that is, politician ambassadors. The authors argue that these politician ambassadors are particularly equipped with knowledge and incentives to promote exports from their home states to host countries. Leveraging the biographic information of 164 ambassadors and U.S. state–level exports to thirty major export destinations from 2002 to 2020, the authors find that the home states of politician ambassadors, compared to other states, on average enjoy a ten percentage point increase in exports to host countries. The home-state effect is particularly apparent in countries in which the United States exports the most in dollar value, and in industries that export final goods, such as beverages and electrical equipment. The past career paths and future career aspirations of ambassadors can shape how the benefits of diplomacy are distributed domestically.
译者：张启峰，昆士兰大学国际关系、和平与冲突研究专业，主要关注澳大利亚外交政策、亚太地区安全。
审校 | 张潇文 赖永祯
排版 | 喻俊
本文源于《世界政治》 （World Politics）, Vol. 77, No. 2, 2025。本文为公益分享，服务于科研教学，不代表本平台观点。如有疏漏，欢迎指正。
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